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The Formation Quest & Society
The Public Sector within the Moral Social Contract
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In brief, the Moral Public Sector...
  would lead the moral private sector politically while following it economically. Within the moral social contract, it would do so from the true rule of law and not of any man or privileged interest group of men in its guise. This would begin with the authority of a constitution which expresses the formative truths and facts which clearly also distinguish these two politically-involved sectors socially. It would not do so from anyone's self-interests which form divisively within his or her own unique mind if he or she socially would have standardized "political authority." There and then, that constitution- and only that constitution- also could and would serve to preserve the fullest possible range of our private rights and even expand it by denying immoral political infringements.
  The public sector would fund through a moral banking system which commonly would form a link for the two sectors where and when the behavior of all citizens within the moral social contract first would dictate the outcome given that constitution's authority.
  Given that constitution's authority, politically-devolved social purposes would inform three discrete and clearly-separable branches of public-sector government. These first extend from our primary characteristics as humans morally to depoliticize our secondary and fully-optionable private ones of family, gender, age, ethnicity, nationality, ideology and religion. Beyond these divisively-private ones, they refer to our common ground as the formative facts for human individuals who socially do interact formatively with even greater authority before they institutionally do contract. They standardize to be "belief," "judgment" and "execution."
  As instituted, the legislative branch corresponds with "belief," the judicial with "judgment," and the executive with "execution," and the political custodians within each branch commonly with the electorate would have recourse to a constitution from which they equally could hold one another to account as individuals. This then truly could produce the rule of moral law to the extent each complies with it within the geopolitical borders of their moral contract.
  This means that those without a defined political purpose within the public sector yet also are within it. Because their rights as individuals form to be prior within their contract, political others neither could conscript them into service (military or otherwise) nor politically abrogate their equal rights as contingent upon such elective performances, for not voting, say. Similarly, the constitution and political custodians would protect their proactive choices to run for office, vote, sit as a jury, and act as logical plaintiffs in their own custodial defense or that of  the unenfranchisable- the very young or incapacitated, say.
  Beyond even that, the constitutionally-authorized public sector by branched purpose would welcome their enfranchised citizens to attend and even participate in their political proceedings on a space-available and first-come, first-served or lottery basis. This also would include those from the media. In sum, there is no moral "national interest" justifying secrecy or information manipulation available to the political custodians who ethically would serve the moral rule of  law rather than their divisive own as men. 
  The three branches would constitute one public-sector government under this one constitution. There'd be no "federal" system of jurisdictions at all. All geographical divisions within this single nation-state only privately would exist for all its citizens' convenience, and the places of operation selected also would. By this formative application as well, enfranchised citizens would elect their legislators and judges at large, not by districts. It also should be needless to say that the balloting would be direct and ballots equally counted and weighed. 
  Other standards logically also apply. One is that even disinterestedly-arbitrary terms of office length need not apply while limitations on them never do because the people generally could initiate a referendum for recall at any time. Another is that disinterested measures would limit the size of the three branches together and by branch. This would cap at one-quarter of the enfranchisable population in toto if, by referendum, the people elect not to institute a military defense force custodially for their international defense. If they do, it next would cap at another one-quarter as a "standing" force within the executive branch.
 

A final and untraditional sector by purpose also would link here. It  standardizes to be the "autonomous public sector," or "APS." Ultimately it would exist to fund domestically from the measurable savings within the society's new wealth formation, and its funded missions morally could replace the traditional public sector's use of formative resources for such deferred, developmental purposes as space exploration.



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Last modified on June 9, 1999